The Collapsing Pillars Of Justice And Democracy
“The judgment not only undermined the integrity of the judiciary but also set a dangerous precedent for lawmakers nationwide. It reinforced the perception that the rule of law is subject to political convenience, encouraging further disregard for constitutional norms and fueling an already tense political atmosphere in the state”.
BY WAHAB OBA
Dele Farotimi’s powerful critique of Nigeria’s judiciary, security agencies, and political system is a wake-up call that can not be ignored. The controversial judgments of the Supreme Court, the Lagos House of Assembly crisis, and the selective deployment of security forces to serve political interests have further exposed how Nigeria’s institutions have been compromised and weaponized against the people.
Farotimi’s assertion that “Nigeria is not a country but a crime scene” rings truer by the day. The judiciary, once regarded as the last hope of the common man, has become an accomplice in the erosion of justice. It no longer serves the people but the highest bidder, delivering rulings that favour political elites and undermining democracy.
In early 2023, the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) reported that 52 government ministries, departments, and agencies (MDAs) failed to participate in the Ethics and Integrity Compliance Scorecard (EICS) assessment conducted in 2022. Among the entities classified as being at “high corruption risk” were the Supreme Court, the Court of Appeal, and the National Judicial Institute.
One of the most glaring examples of judicial failure was the Supreme Court’s verdict on the 2019 Imo governorship election. Hope Uzodinma was declared the winner despite originally finishing fourth. The court nullified Emeka Ihedioha’s victory and installed Uzodinma as governor based on questionable figures. This ruling remains one of the most criticized in Nigeria’s history, reinforcing the belief that judicial decisions are for sale.
Similarly, on February 6, the Supreme Court ruled that Ahmed Lawan, who did not participate in the APC senatorial primaries, was the legitimate candidate for Yobe North. Both the Federal High Court in Damaturu and the Court of Appeal in Gombe had ruled in favour of Bashir Machina, yet the Supreme Court overturned their decisions, raising further doubts about its credibility.
In another controversial ruling, the Supreme Court declared Godswill Akpabio as the APC’s candidate for the Akwa Ibom Northwest Senatorial seat, despite his prior participation in the APC presidential primary. Lower courts had ruled against him, but the apex court overturned their verdicts, prioritizing political interests over legal integrity.
The most recent invitation to anarchy came in the form of the Supreme Court’s judgment on the Rivers State political crisis. In its ruling, the apex court reinstated Martin Amaewhule and 26 other lawmakers loyal to the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, despite their defection from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC). By failing to uphold constitutional provisions on defection, the Supreme Court effectively legitimized political prostitution and deepened the already fragile political instability in Rivers.
The judgment not only undermined the integrity of the judiciary but also set a dangerous precedent for lawmakers nationwide. It reinforced the perception that the rule of law is subject to political convenience, encouraging further disregard for constitutional norms and fueling an already tense political atmosphere in the state.
The Adamawa gubernatorial election in 2023 provided another example of institutional failure. An INEC official unlawfully declared Aishatu Binani governor-elect before collation was completed. Although the announcement was later reversed, the attempt to subvert the people’s will highlighted the vulnerability of Nigeria’s electoral system to manipulation.
The 2023 general elections were widely perceived as one of the most compromised in Nigeria’s history. Despite the introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and assurances of electronic result transmission, INEC failed to uphold its own guidelines. The presidential election was marred by voter suppression, result manipulation, and collusion between electoral officials and political actors.
In Lagos, reports of ethnic profiling and voter intimidation surfaced, especially in opposition strongholds. Armed thugs disrupted voting, ballot boxes were snatched, and security agencies turned a blind eye. In Rivers and Kano, election results were allegedly altered at collation centers to favour certain candidates. The governorship election in Kebbi followed a similar pattern, with opposition parties alleging massive rigging.
The Lagos House of Assembly crisis further demonstrated how security agencies are used to advance political interests. During the leadership tussle, police reportedly took sides, blocking access to opposition lawmakers while protecting those favoured by the ruling party. Rather than acting as neutral enforcers of law and order, security agencies have become instruments of political control.
The role of security forces in Rivers also highlights this troubling trend. The police, rather than maintaining neutrality, have been accused of taking sides in the power struggle between Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his predecessor, Nyesom Wike. Their selective enforcement of law and order has fueled further instability, turning the state into a battleground for political supremacy.
The current state of Nigeria’s judiciary, security agencies, and electoral system shows that true democracy remains elusive. To break this cycle of corruption, institutional reforms must be implemented to ensure independence from executive influence.
The Chief Justice of Nigeria should not be removed at the discretion of the executive. Instead, removal should require a two-thirds majority of the National Assembly and State Assemblies to prevent undue political interference.
The Inspector General of Police should have security of tenure and should only be removed by a legislative supermajority rather than executive discretion.
The INEC Chairman must not be appointed solely by the president. Instead, an independent body comprising representatives from civil society, professional organizations, and political parties should oversee the selection process to ensure neutrality.
Until these reforms are enacted, Nigeria will remain a country where justice is bought, elections are rigged, and security agencies serve the powerful instead of the people. The time for passive acceptance is over. Nigerians must rise not just to vote but to demand structural changes that guarantee democracy, justice, and accountability.
…Mr Wahab Oba, a public affairs analyst, was chairman of NUJ, Lagos State Council
